Communiqué from the Political Bureau of the Sudanese Communist Party
On the Proclamation of the “Parallel Government”
The recent proclamation of a so-called “parallel government” under the leadership of Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemedti) constitutes a grave usurpation of political legitimacy, further compounded by the continued existence of the equally unlawful administration in Port Sudan. This new entity is not merely unconstitutional—it is the direct consequence of the illegitimate military coup of 25 October 2021, which tore up the transitional Constitutional Charter, plunged the nation into a protracted and ruinous war, and set in motion a humanitarian catastrophe marked by mass displacement, the loss of countless lives, and widespread atrocities.
Both warring factions bear full responsibility for heinous crimes including genocide, ethnic cleansing, and sexual violence. These constitute egregious violations of international humanitarian law, and any credible path forward must be rooted in the principle of accountability. The culture of impunity must be irrevocably dismantled.
The concurrent existence of two rival governments imperils the very foundation of Sudan’s territorial integrity and political cohesion. As the adage wisely notes: “Two captains sink the ship.” This fragmentation mirrors the trajectory that culminated in the secession of South Sudan, foreshadowed now by the self-determination clause embedded within the constitutional draft of the “Ta’sis” alliance—an article that legitimizes secession in the absence of secular governance at the national level. Such provisions do not reflect national self-assertion, but rather the deepening erosion of the state, laying Sudan bare to exploitation by regional and international powers whose agendas are neither neutral nor benevolent.
Moreover, this development augments the likelihood of an entrenched, prolonged conflict and intensifies the already intolerable suffering borne by the Sudanese people. Secession, once again, presents no viable resolution to Sudan’s existential crisis; the harrowing experience of South Sudan remains a cautionary tale. To invoke self-determination under such conditions is not an act of liberation but one of disintegration—a retreat from the collective national struggle to reclaim the revolution and to forge a Sudanese state founded on democracy, civic equality, and genuine national emancipation. These are the imperatives articulated by the December 2018 Revolution and echoed in every region of the country.
Fundamental questions of state structure, including secularism, must not be imposed by force or faction, but rather deliberated within the framework of a nationally convened constitutional conference—a truly sovereign political process.
The establishment of the parallel government is transparently a maneuver designed to pre-empt and shape the deliberations of the upcoming 29 July meeting of the “Quad”, which purports to facilitate a cessation of hostilities and a negotiated settlement. Yet such a development must be situated within its broader geopolitical context: the intensifying contest among rival capitalist powers for control of Sudan’s vast natural resources and its strategic geography, particularly the Red Sea corridor and the Horn of Africa.
What is at stake is not merely peace, but the sovereignty of Sudan and the future of the African continent. Former U.S. President Donald Trump’s vision of “safe zones” to ensure unfettered access for American capital is but one manifestation of a global architecture of plunder. Any settlement brokered under these terms may suspend hostilities temporarily, but absent a structural transformation, it will merely reproduce the crisis anew—as history has repeatedly demonstrated in Sudan and beyond.
This scenario is not anomalous; it is integral to the broader framework of the “Greater Middle East” project, whose strategic logic aims at the dismemberment of national unities across the region in order to facilitate imperial expropriation. It is evidenced today in the systematic liquidation of the Palestinian cause, the genocide and forced displacement of the Palestinian people, the attempted erasure of the December 2018 Sudanese Revolution, and the ignition of the infernal war that presently consumes the nation.
The bifurcation of Sudanese governance is thus not a spontaneous outcome, but the inevitable result of the coup of 25 October 2021, a coup that plunged the nation deeper into the proxy wars of competing imperial powers, exploiting the global capitalist crisis, the Russia–Ukraine conflict, the genocidal war on Gaza, and the mounting tensions between Iran and Israel, which now threaten regional conflagration.
In summation, the proliferation of rival governments within Sudan constitutes an existential threat to national unity, accelerates the pillaging of national wealth, undermines sovereignty, extends the duration of armed conflict, and deepens the suffering of the Sudanese people. The ongoing political processes must not be assessed in isolation but understood within the matrix of global capitalist competition over Africa’s resources and strategic waterways.
What is required now is the construction of the broadest possible popular national front—uncompromising in its demand for an immediate cessation of hostilities, the restoration of the revolution’s momentum, and the preservation of Sudan’s unity. The overthrow of both illegitimate regimes is imperative. The Sudanese people must press forward in their struggle until the complete withdrawal of the military establishment, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), and all militias from the spheres of politics and economy is achieved.
This entails the dismantling of the entrenched networks of economic and political patronage (“Tamkin”), the restitution of misappropriated public wealth, and the unyielding pursuit of justice. Only through the establishment of a fully civilian, democratic government, the disbandment of all militias and rebel armies, and the creation of a unified, professional, and nonpartisan national military under civilian authority can Sudan realize the full aspirations of its revolution.
Any political settlement that reproduces the structures of crisis, conflict, and exploitation must be unequivocally rejected. The Revolution’s objectives must be fulfilled, and the transitional period must be used to lay the groundwork for a new, just, and democratic Sudan.
Political Bureau
Sudanese Communist Party
29 July 2025